The prefect Cesare Mori, a man alone against the mafia

     When one is interested in the Sicilian mafia during Mussolini's dictatorship, they quickly come across the story of one of his prefects who supposedly greatly weakened the mafia during his tenure. His name was Cesare Mori, and he had earned the nickname "Il Prefetto di Ferro" (The Iron Prefect). For several years, he was the emblematic figure in the fight against the mafia with his radical actions. However, you will see in this article that Mori was as much hindered by the fascist government as by the mafia. You will find his biography and the various obstacles he had to face.

The prefect Cesare Mori

Birth and Education:

Cesare Mori was born on the night of  December 31, 1871 (some sources write that he was born in 1872) in the city of Pavia, located south of Milan. Mori was abandoned by his parents at a young age and grew up in one of the many orphanages in the city. When he was old enough, he left Pavia to join the Military Academy of Turin. During one of his first missions, he earned a bronze medal for personally arresting an armed criminal.

Years passed, and at the age of 20, Mori preferred to ruin his officer appointment for the love of a girl whose father refused to pay the required military dowry of the time. Cesare had to undergo training again and passed the national police exam, after which he was sent to the Romagna region. During one of his investigations, he unhesitatingly searched the home of a prominent politician, which earned him a transfer by his superiors. Indeed, you will see throughout his biography that Mori was willing to do anything to uphold justice, even ignoring those in high positions.

This transfer was clearly a punishment. Mori, who was a citizen of the North, was transferred to Sicily. This island was described as the kingdom of crime in Italy but was also a very mysterious territory for the North. Mori's colleagues said that this place was "a land forgotten by God."

The map of Sicily with mafia presence, 1900

Cesare Mori stayed in Sicily for more than 10 years initially. He had become a law representative highly respected by both the citizens and the nobility of the island. Mori had the intelligence to meet with the large landowners and also understand the peasants. He was described as a man with his heart in the right place, who tracked criminals while disguised as a monk. In December 1913, there was a large agricultural demonstration in Trapani with more than 1,500 protesters. Mori was called in to calm the situation, and with his squad, he arrested more than 70 rioters. The King's prosecutor later wrote: "Mori demonstrates exceptional qualities; he is ready to intervene in the most threatened provinces of Italy."

The Grisafi Gang, Terrors of Agrigento:

In May 1916, Cesare Mori was recalled to Sicily after a year of absence. His mission was to reinforce a squad tracking the bandits in the west of the island, among which was the terrible Grisafi brothers' gang that was plundering the province of Agrigento as well as the neighboring areas of Palermo and Trapani. The Grisafi's stronghold was the village of Caltabellotta, where they were born. The leader, Paolo Grisafi, was a 36-year-old shepherd who led a horseback gang of fierce and cautious criminals. Paolo had a network of trusted men throughout the province and exerted control over all activities, including those related to politics. Authorities attributed around thirty murders and several kidnappings to him.

The Capo Paolo "Marcuzzo" Grisafi

When Cesare Mori arrived in the province of Agrigento, he heard that the Grisafi group had been found by five patrolling policemen. Paolo Grisafi had managed to run to the top of a hill, and the patrollers immediately followed him. However, other allies of Grisafi were at the top, and when the policemen were within range, they were killed with rifle shots. Upon learning of their deaths, Mori declared that it was unthinkable to let the Grisafi escape. With a group of brave officials, they camped in a village not far from Caltabellotta, the Grisafis' stronghold.

The Village of Caltabellotta

Even though the Grisafi gang seemed very fierce, Cesare Mori's reputation caused many of them to flee. Indeed, several members of the gang preferred to desert rather than face him. Only five members were determined to stay and confront him in the village. Mori settled in a hotel and planned his operations there. He sent his men in small groups around the village of Caltabellotta to gather information and arrest the gang's accomplices. While there were only five main bandits in the gang, their accomplices numbered over 300 Sicilians. 

In one night, the various squads of Mori, stationed in nearby villages, arrested 357 people (including 90 in Caltabellotta). The operations went off without incident, and Mori awaited a reaction from the Grisafi. His only fear was that the gang would dissolve, but that was not to be the case. 

A few days later, Mori discovered a large black cloth hanging from one of the poles overlooking the town, placed there by the bandits. This was a sign announcing deaths. Mori understood that the Grisafis were still there and had every intention of staying. Instead of attacking them head-on, Cesare preferred to track down one of the criminals who had separated from the gang before his arrival. The criminal was ambushed by Mori's men, and a series of gunshots were heard. One policeman died, and another was seriously injured, but the criminal was ultimately apprehended.

The scene of an arrested brigand in the early 20th century

The death of the policeman had created a somber atmosphere among the inhabitants. Cesare Mori delivered a lengthy speech at the officer’s funeral about the courage of the officers and assured the arrest of the remaining members of the gang. In prison, an ally of Paolo Grisafi died from illness. He also arranged a funeral in Caltabellotta and called upon accomplices from nearby villages. Although Paolo did not attend the funeral, he deliberately organized it after the policeman’s to demonstrate that the mafia continued to exert its power in the area. Mori allowed only clergy and the victim’s family into the village, expelling everyone else.

Mori continued his investigation into the Grisafi, who had taken refuge in the mountains. For several months, the gang changed their hiding places between caves and small cabins. Mori tracked them down and finally located their position. They were in an isolated country house. Mori decided to encircle the property around 2 a.m. However, as the police approached the property cautiously, dogs began to bark. A brigand opened the door and then shut it immediately. A few minutes later, gunfire erupted. The shooting continued for nine hours, and by dawn, the inhabitants of Caltabellotta came to watch the scene from a distance. The Grisafi gang was forced to surrender due to a lack of ammunition.

the Grisafi gang with Paolo in the center and his brother Settimo in the upper right

The capture of the Grisafi family was one of Cesare Mori's most famous actions, but you will see that the family’s story didn’t end there. Paolo Grisafi managed to obtain a weapon in the Palermo prison and killed his former associate Gallo for betrayal. However, the most intriguing part involves his other brothers who migrated to the United States.

According to secret services informant Salvatore Clemente, in 1912, Calogero Grisafi was initiated into Salvatore D’Aquila’s organization (the boss of bosses of the mafia) during a ceremony at Vincenzo LoCicero’s store. D’Aquila had many members initiated from the Agrigento province. Vincenzo Grisafi, also an active criminal, migrated to the U.S. in the early 1910s. He died prematurely in 1928, the same year Salvatore D’Aquila was assassinated. Lastly, Settimo Grisafi, after his incarceration, also decided to leave Sicily and changed his name to Angelo.

Calogero and Vincenzo Grisafi

The Rise of Fascism:

After his success in Sicily, Cesare Mori was called to the North in 1917 following Italy's defeat at the Battle of Caporetto. At this time, during World War I, Italy was part of the Triple Entente. The defeat had caused significant insecurity in Northern Italy and an economic crisis. In the aftermath of the defeat, the Sicilian Vittorio Emanuele Orlando was appointed President of the Italian Council and likely played a role in appointing Mori as Prefect of Turin.

Mori spent two years in Turin until Vittorio Orlando's resignation after World War I. Italy had not received the territories it had been promised, including part of Croatia. Orlando was furious and refused to sign the Treaty of Versailles. Italians felt that he had failed to represent them, leading to his resignation. (The fact that Italy did not get what was promised was used as a pretext by Benito Mussolini.)

Mori became an instrument of the new Prime Minister Francesco Nitti, who sent him to Rome to suppress a student demonstration in May. Nitti demanded that police units attack, resulting in several deaths and injuries. Mori was subsequently brought to justice, and Nitti did not offer any assistance.

Prime Ministers Vittorio Orlando and Francesco Nitti

Cesare Mori emerged from this affair unscathed, thanks to a regional amnesty (suspension of sanctions). In February 1921, he was appointed Prefect of Bologna and observed the insecurity caused by the fascists. They had notably prevented non-fascist workers from being able to work. Mori issued a decree banning fascist blockades, which drew the ire of Mussolini's supporters. Prime Minister Ivanoe Bonomi supported Mori and helped him to stabilize the situation, even granting him full powers over the Po Valley, which encompassed five northern regions of Italy. This was somewhat absurd because, despite Mori’s skill in enforcing the law, it was impossible for him to control so many fascists.

The government was desperate; indeed, there had been five different Prime Ministers between 1919 and 1922, with Luigi Facta being the last before Mussolini, serving only eight months. Relations between Mori and the fascists continued to deteriorate. They pressured Facta to end the "dictatorship of Mori." The fascist leader of the city, Michele Bianchi, eventually ordered the general mobilization of fascist squads to besiege Cesare Mori. He was captured and isolated from the city’s political life. When Benito Mussolini came to power, Mori was sent to the South.

The Prime minister and the fascist Bianchi

Return to Sicily under Fascism:

Cesare Mori was transferred to Bari in Apulia by the government, a pretext to isolate him from the major fascist cities. In November 1922, he was officially demobilized. Although the fascists did not hold Mori in high regard, they did have a certain admiration for him. During his free time, Mori wrote a book titled *Tra la zagare Oltre la Faschia* ("Among the Orange Blossoms Beyond the Mist"), which addressed the problems of Sicily tainted by the mafia. This book was likely a significant factor in his return to service. Benito Mussolini, aware of Mori's effectiveness and recognizing the serious issues in the South of Italy, decided to call him back into service.

In June 1924, Mori was once again appointed to Sicily, taking up the position of Prefect of Trapani. Mori was delighted and expressed his deep gratitude to the new government.

The month before, Benito Mussolini had visited Sicily and observed a significant lack of patriotism. Fascism was much less present, and insecurity was widely noted by the Duce. He had heard from a former combatant that in just one year, there had been 216 murders in Marsala, nearly all of them unpunished. During his visit to Trapani, Mussolini met with Prefect Merizzi, who was accused of having ties to the mafia and holding political ideologies contrary to fascism. Merizzi did not make a good impression on the Duce, and upon Mussolini's return to Rome, Merizzi was transferred. It was at this point that Mori took his place.

Benito Mussolini in Palermo, 1924

The Situation in Trapani:

It was no coincidence that Mussolini chose the province of Trapani. At the time, the region was plagued by 700 murders, the theft of over 10,000 animals, and 20,000 sheep. Peasants and people from lower social strata had strong incentives to form alliances with local mafiosi to avoid theft and threats. The rise of fascism exacerbated the chaos; in 1923, a journalist reported that weapon licenses were being distributed en masse to fascists, and citizens were being arrested for crimes against the state or fascism. Municipal administrations were dissolved under the pretext of maintaining public order, but in reality, it was a genuine dictatorship of the blackshirts.

This atmosphere of terror had significant repercussions in the April general elections. In the province of Trapani, the fascist party received the lowest vote share in all of Sicily. The leading figure in the region was the socialist-democrat Nunzio Nasi, a prominent Freemason with strong mafia connections. Nasi was a highly controversial Sicilian figure who had served as a minister multiple times and was accused of embezzlement. Mori had to work with him to restore order among the population, despite Nasi's controversial connections. Notably, Nasi’s son Virgilio Nasi was seen in the company of the mafia boss Don Calogero Vizzini.

Nunzio Nasi and an Illustration of His Incarceration

Cesare Mori faced continual opposition from fascist agitators, which displeased high-ranking government officials. He highlighted the difficulty in distinguishing between the mafia and fascists, as the mafia adopted a pseudo-fascist stance to evade justice. Mori's actions against the fascists cast constant doubt on his political convictions. Several pro-fascists in the government consistently doubted him, especially after the Bologna episode. Nevertheless, Mori was highly regarded by the Sicilians, who saw him as a hero staunchly combating crime. This admiration prompted Mussolini to appoint him as Prefect of Palermo. Mussolini remarked in an interview that while he did not personally like Mori, he respected his convictions.

Mori began his duties in Palermo at the end of October 1925. At that time, the Sicilian capital was ravaged by powerful storms, causing rivers to overflow and homes to collapse or be submerged by torrents of water. Some superstitious fascists associated this event with Mori's arrival, but Mussolini's appointment of Mori to Palermo indicated that he was not entirely displeased with him.

On October 28, the third anniversary of the March on Rome was celebrated. Palermo displayed portraits of the Duce, the King, and Alfredo Cucco, the leader of the fascist party in Sicily. While Mori received salutations, the newspaper *Sicilia Nuova* noted that these were mere signs of respect, as true devotion and loyalty were reserved solely for Alfredo Cucco. Despite this, Mori did not despair. He remained steadfast in his ultimate conviction to destroy the mafia and soon organized a significant operation.

Anniversary of the march on Rome, Milan 1928

For Cesare Mori, it was time to take decisive action against the mafia. Following Mori's arrival and Benito Mussolini's visit, there was a renewed sense of hope among the Sicilians. The impact of World War I had made the importance of the state and its support more evident to the people. Mori noted that the mafia was currently vulnerable and had degenerated, resembling the Camorra more closely—fragile clans that were no longer well-structured.

In late November 1925, Mori initiated raids in the notorious neighborhoods of Palermo. He strategically waited until Christmas to observe the young pisciotti—the mafia's foot soldiers—who would appear in their luxurious outfits and carriages. These pisciotti were the mafia's enforcers, often responsible for carrying out assassinations, sabotage, and intimidation to keep the higher-ranking bosses from getting their hands dirty.

During November and December, Cesare Mori arrested nearly 300 suspects in Palermo, 60 in the Madonie region, and 30 in Piazza Armerina. This large-scale operation was a significant blow to the mafia, showcasing Mori's determination and strategic planning in his mission to eradicate organized crime from Sicily.

The Siege of the Village of Gangi:

Mori wanted to demonstrate the effectiveness of his campaign against the mafia, and he needed a significant event to assert his authority and that of the government. He decided to target the Madonie region. This was the ideal location, as this mountainous area was perfect for bandit hideouts. The perched villages were isolated from the state, creating a state within a state conducive to criminal activity. The region had been the most infested with delinquency for several years, which is why Mori was so determined to address it. Additionally, for almost 30 years, the bandit Melchiore Candino had ruled the area, even calling himself "the marshal," a derogatory term for Mori.

Melchiore Candino was a feared bandit who led a notorious gang at the end of the 19th century. He had been a pisciotto (a term for a young bandit or criminal) for Giuseppe Garibaldi during his landing in Sicily, as the Italian revolutionary had used many criminals to liberate the island. The gang's specialty was the kidnapping of wealthy landowners. In 1894, they kidnapped a member of the Ciuppa family. Candino had befriended the farmers working for him, and together they successfully carried out the kidnapping. But for some reason, the farmers eventually turned traitor. The Leanza family returned to the Ciuppa and set an ambush for Candino's gang. Francesco Leanza lured the gang out of their hideout, and his sons, hidden at the entrance, opened fire. The gang was entirely killed, but Melchiore Candino was not present. The Leanza family was rewarded by Prime Minister Crispi himself, who sent each of them 30,000 lire.

Illustration of the Massacre of the Candino Gang, August 1894

Melchiore Candino remained active until 1919, when he was succeeded by his right-hand men, Gaetano "Il Prefetto" Ferrarello and Giovanni Dino. At that time, there were over 130 fugitives in the Madonie region. Commissioner Francesco Spanò had sent Mori his conviction to arrest the bandits. Mori was also planning an intervention in the region, and they collaborated together. The gang was hiding in their stronghold, the elevated village of Gangi. It was an ideal hideout because almost all the houses had underground hideouts in the rock as well as small paths for smuggled goods. Moreover, the town’s aristocracy collaborated closely with the bandits to maintain their influence. The barons had received licenses from previous governments allowing them to employ peasants who also served as militia.

The isolated village of Gangi, a stonghold for bandits.

Francesco Spanò was one of the few respectable commissioners on the island. He was born in Calabria and had come to Sicily in 1912. He knew the Madonie region very well, as he lived in one of its villages. Mori had sent him a telegram saying he would be targeting not only the bandits but also their protectors, the barons Sgadari, Li Destri Ventimiglia, and Pottino. However, these aristocratic families had been connected to the government for generations and had proclaimed themselves fascists to align with Mussolini. Indeed, the Duce had visited Gangi with his ministers and had lunch with the baron/godfather Giuseppe "Don Peppino" Sgadari. In reality, it was impossible for Mori to arrest them, knowing he had been transferred to Palermo with the condition of collaborating with Alfredo Cucco. 

As mentioned earlier, the raids in the Madonie began in November 1925. Spanò participated in the arrest of about sixty fugitives. He had also collaborated with Baron "Don Peppino" Sgadari to arrange a meeting with the mafia boss Salvatore Ferrarello. Thus, the barons were directly in contact with the local mobsters. Spanò promised that any investigation into Ferrarello and his men would be suspended if they cooperated by exposing other criminal gangs. Ferrarello took some time to consider and eventually accepted the proposal. This collaboration between Spanò and a bandit chief did not please Mori, but it must be admitted that it helped to refine the siege of the village of Gangi.

Francesco Spanò and the capo Salvatore Ferrarello

The siege of Gangi took place on the night of January 1, 1926. It was snowing heavily, which had led the bandits to lock themselves inside their homes. They had all hidden in their houses through traps or false walls and had barricaded themselves. Mori had brought carabinieri as well as fascist militiamen to show that this was a government action. Mori wanted not only to arrest the bandits but also to humiliate them. He instructed that none of his men should be violent or use firearms. He wanted them to stay at their posts and for the bandits themselves to surrender at their feet. He also had the idea of having his men enter the bandits' homes, sleep there, and consume their provisions. Mori also ordered the execution of the stolen livestock to redistribute the meat at reduced prices to the local population.

Mori's men during the siege, Gangi 1926

The prefect did not boast about it in his autobiography, but it is highly likely that he instructed his men to capture the wives and children of the bandits to exert psychological pressure. After 24 hours of siege, the 60-year-old mafia boss Giovanni "Il Prefetto" Ferrarello surrendered. Giovanni had a long criminal history; he was the patriarch of the Ferrarello mafia family, and, as a reminder, Spanò's promise had not been kept. Indeed, a few months earlier, Salvatore Ferrarello had cooperated to avoid trouble for his family. Salvatore was also arrested and deceived. The siege went perfectly for Mori. He had also threatened Baron Sgadari to put pressure on the bandits to surrender; otherwise, the prefect would start probing into Sgadari’s affairs. Over the hours, the bandits surrendered one by one, and the operation was a resounding success.

Giovanni "Il Prefetto" Ferrarello

The siege was a resounding success; all the bandits/mafiosos were arrested. Giovanni Ferrarello showed no resistance, perhaps due to his old age or because he thought he would be released soon? The story of the Ferrarello family, betrayed by Baron Sgadari and Spanò, remained long in the memory of the Sicilian mafia. Calogero "Don Calo" Vizzini, who was the most influential boss on the island after WWII, recounted this story to a journalist:

“Do you want to understand what it means to be a mafioso? Let me tell you the story of Salvatore Ferrarello. He was imprisoned by the men he had previously helped. Ferrarello escaped from prison but had renounced killing Baron Sgadari, who had sent him there.”

In total, 130 fugitives were arrested, and with the raids in neighboring villages, Mori had captured 300 accomplices, mostly the relatives of the mafiosos. Giovanni Ferrarello eventually hanged himself in his cell, perhaps out of shame after a lifetime of crime. Mori ensured that they were all securely confined in a safe place.

Fascist Propaganda on the Event:

The assault against crime made Duce Benito Mussolini very proud, who sent his compliments to Cesare Mori the next day. Fascist newspapers across the country covered the event, and so did media in the United States, Germany, and France. The fascists used it as a form of propaganda and slightly altered the story. According to them, Spanò had supposedly never met Ferrarello, and when Mori and his men returned to Gangi, they were greeted like Garibaldi in 1860. To top off this propaganda, the newspapers claimed that when Mori fell ill, the village women lit candles to speed up his recovery. In short, the fascist press made him out to be a heroic figure, akin to Hercules.

The issue was that the newspapers portrayed the mafia as a trend in Sicily that would soon be eradicated by the fascists, while the reality was much more complex. In truth, Sicilians were not pleased with Mori inflating his operations by arresting "suspects" to show his effectiveness to the fascists. When Mori had the audacity to return to Gangi days after the siege, he was met with a very cold reception. Yet, fascist newspapers reported a reception with confetti and flower petals. The siege of Gangi was described as Mori's greatest operation, whereas it was a police operation that had occurred before. Once again, propaganda had its effect around the world.

Fascist Propaganda about Mori in an American Newspaper, May 1928

The Gangi operation was still a success for the authorities. Mori emphasized the propaganda surrounding the event to exert psychological pressure on the island's mafia. It was effective because, even decades later, Sicilian mafiosi repeated the assault, which had put the criminal world in a difficult situation. The same went for the fascists; Mori was on everyone's lips in the government. In March 1926, Minister Luigi Federzoni's decree allowed Mori to have control over all the island's police forces and to issue orders without formalities. He could also place his men in all provinces after consulting with the prefect.

In other words, he was the person with the most power over Sicily, and the government fully trusted him. They highlighted that Sicilians had great confidence in Mori and that the number of weapon permits had decreased from 955,000 before Mori to 648,000 in 1925. However, the fact that the prefect had such strong support from the government greatly irritated Alfredo Cucco, president of the Sicilian Fascist Party. Cucco was a seasoned politician on the island, but this time he could not manipulate the prefect as he had done previously with Giovanni Gasti. Mori would later find close ties between the mafia and Cucco, but I will return to this later.

Minister Luigi Federzoni to the right of the Duce

The Conduct of the Trials Against the Mafia:

As mentioned earlier, Cesare Mori's arrests were often numerous and highly publicized. But the question remains whether this was truly worthwhile. To convict hundreds of suspects, a great deal of evidence was required, which Mori did not always have. In the weeks following the siege of Gangi, Cesare Mori conducted around twenty raids in several other mafia-infested villages, including Bisacquino, Corleone, Piana dei Greci, Villabate, Mistretta, as well as in the provinces of Agrigento and Caltanissetta. The accused were charged by Mori with criminal association; however, it was difficult to convict anyone with scant evidence. Mori thus tried to highlight even the smallest offenses of the accused, which often helped to advance the trials. It was sometimes necessary to dust off files dating back more than 15 years.

Cesare Mori and Alfredo Cucco to the left, Piana Dei Greci

However, these mass arrests created a sense of fear among the Sicilian population. Rumors circulated, such as the need to report to the police if one had a criminal record. Mori had to exercise greater caution to maintain a good image and ordered his men to withdraw from several villages. It was indeed a difficult period for the residents, who saw their loved ones arrested on mere suspicions, and sometimes women and children were taken to pressure the men to surrender. This was notably the case in Corleone, and strangely, Mori is quite discreet about this issue; he does not mention this practice of hostage-taking in his memoirs. It is partly thanks to a report on a raid in a neighborhood of Palermo that we are certain of this; he had taken 69 women and 130 children to the Palermo hospital to negotiate with the fugitives.

Cesare Mori claimed that the Sicilians were in favor of such methods, but this was not really the case. A resident of Milocca (province of Caltanissetta) later testified about her village's situation. She said that Mori's police raid had come one night, and they were quite aggressive, which had driven many people away. The police had taken families and confiscated livestock; the arrested individuals were often hungry and begged for bread. By the end of 1928, there were over a hundred people behind bars, which was considerable for a town of 2,500 inhabitants. There were women known as "prison widows," and religious festivities were held on a small scale. The mass arrests had created a larger rift between the authorities and the residents; they were seen as outsiders and were unwilling to cooperate.

Milocca: A Sicilian Village in the Era of Fascism

So how did the Gangi trial proceed?

Once again, the defendants were partly charged with criminal association, but with such a large number of people, the trial took a considerable amount of time. The raid had taken place in January 1926, but preparations continued until the fall of 1927. In the meantime, 70 of the defendants had been released, and 4 died in prison, including Gaetano Ferrarello. There were ultimately 154 people, including priests and women. The trial began in Termini Imerese in October 1927, in an old church that had been converted with large cells. The first session of the trial seems to have been disrupted by the lack of jurors who had been frightened by the situation.

Mafia defendants escorted from prison for trial.

During the early days, the trial was heavily covered in the Italian and American press. Fictional stories about the lives of certain defendants were circulated, such as Francesca Salvo being described as the "queen of bandits." In essence, the propaganda continued to focus attention on Gangi, but the trial was very complex. The defendants mostly denied the charges against them, claiming conflicts with several present families which disputed the charge of criminal association. With over 150 individuals involved, it was difficult for the jurors to remember all the testimonies and cross-examinations, not to mention the 300 witnesses who took the stand in November. This large number in such a short time was due to the pressure from Benito Mussolini. He had sent a telegram to Mori stating that the trial had to be swift, reflecting the fascist ideal, or it might not conclude until the year 2000.

The trial continued until the end of the year, with newspapers almost exclusively reporting the prosecution’s side and neglecting the defense’s arguments. The lawyers minimized their commitment to avoid being accused of colluding with their clients. Witnesses defending the accused were portrayed in the press as being coerced by the mafia. Baron Sgadari, far from being innocent himself, appeared before the court to testify against the accused and seemed untouchable due to his status. The verdict was delivered in January 1928, with only 8 out of the 154 defendants acquitted. All the others were found guilty of conspiracy, which was the outcome Mori desired and brought his anti-mafia campaign into the international spotlight. The New York Times featured several articles about Mussolini and the mafia. 

New-York Times, March 4, 1928

The Corrupt Federazione of Alfredo Cucco :

Mori’s campaign seemed to be progressing without significant obstacles, yet someone was increasingly concerned about his actions. Alfredo Cucco was not pleased with the extent of freedom that Federzoni from the government had granted Mori. Cucco felt he had fallen out of favor in Rome with the rise of Cesare Mori. Cucco regularly inquired if rumors about Mori’s transfer were true, as the government intended to appoint him as the head of the State Police following attempted assassinations on Benito Mussolini in 1926. However, Mori's work was deemed too crucial to be interrupted, which is why his campaign continued.

It was also noted that Cucco received numerous requests for help from families whom Mori had arrested during the raids. Cucco likely had personal connections with criminals, as he used his influence to prevent the police from confiscating certain properties.

Alfredo Cucco was, therefore, a controversial figure. Despite being a member of the Grand Fascist Council, he remained a Sicilian politician acting in his own interests. Given the increasing scale of the raids and Mori’s tolerance, Cucco bore some responsibility for Mori's rise in the eyes of the Sicilian people. Although Cucco did collaborate with Mori and asked his supporters to back him, it was evident that Cucco wanted to maintain good relations with Rome. Interestingly, Cucco enjoyed showcasing himself when politicians visited Sicily, often chasing a “villainous mafioso” in front of his guests. However, his animosity towards the mafia was not as profound as he portrayed.

Alfredo Cucco on the left of Cesare Mori who is smoking, 1926

And it was not only Cucco; Mori was not liked by the entire Federazione Palermitana, which brought together the political representatives of Sicily. They were displeased that Mori participated in the removal of Damiano Lipani, who was a strong political ally of Cucco. Lipani, the Secretary-General of the province of Caltanissetta, was accused of association with the mafia. He allegedly facilitated the infiltration of tax collectors and skimmed off a portion of the taxes, allowing mafia-affiliated landowners to maintain a minimal tax rate. When Lipani’s enrichment became apparent, the local newspaper made numerous accusations against him. Mori had also demanded the resignation of the Prefect of Caltanissetta, who lasted only four months. Lipani then faced the new Prefect, Pintor Maneli, who was an admirer of Mori. Maneli’s arrival allowed Lipani’s opponents to testify openly against him, leading to a judgment. Lipani was definitively removed from his position, and Mori was reportedly in favor of the verdict.

The Federazione had lost one of their own, and Mori was responsible. It was clear that he had no allies within the Palermitan group and, in fact, was hated. For example, Mori learned that Alfredo Cucco's two-year-old son repeated the word “pig” after hearing “Mori.” During the year 1926, the Federazione sent several anonymous letters to Rome claiming that Mori used savage and inhumane methods on the population. They even invented stories that he fancied himself as Caesar, riding through villages on a great white horse. Despite this, Mori chose to keep a low profile. However, he had learned that Cucco exploited a network linked to the mafia to invest in his newspaper, *Sicilia Nuova*. When a report on Cucco’s corruption was released, Mori preferred to support him. Publicly, the two men appeared to be very close friends, even exchanging signed photographs.

One of the Many Telegrams from Mori to Alfredo Cucco

Cucco’s downfall accelerated after he attempted to discredit Mori with defamatory accusations. Additionally, the government sought to replace some politicians to restore a more extreme form of fascism. Cucco, who protected landowners on the island who wanted to avoid the Palermo fascists, was removed from the Federazione due to economic and political reasons. By the end of 1926, nearly all of the original members were replaced.

Mori and Cucco maintained a mutual affection for a few months, until Mori became certain of Cucco’s dangerous intentions. Mori obtained a telegram written by Cucco to a friend in New York, in which Cucco made defamatory statements about Mori's practices.

Cucco’s decline didn’t stop there. Mori investigated Cucco’s connections to the mafia, particularly in Villabate, which had been plagued by the mafia since the 19th century. It was one of the main mafia strongholds, responsible for the assassination of Emanuele Notarbartolo in 1893, the first major personality murdered by the mafia. Mori frequently visited Villabate to check on the police station and interrogate officials to determine if they were corrupt. The interrogations were reportedly harsh, as several officials emerged in tears. Mori also sent a message to the prefects of Corleone and Cefalù to inquire whether fascist squads had been infiltrated by the mafia. Cucco learned that a prominent police official was making frequent visits to Villabate, realizing it was Mori, and the two men ceased communication.

In early 1927, a former police chief filed a complaint against Cucco, alleging that Cucco used his influence to remove him from his position with the help of Sicilian deputy Giovanni Lo Monte. Lo Monte was a controversial figure, a key member of the mafia, and an ally of the Corleone mafia faction in an agricultural sector that struggled to come under fascist control. Mori was particularly concerned about the situation in Corleone, where the mafia had infiltrated all municipal positions and even the fascist squads. The mafia’s strength was growing through marriages, with most residents, including honest individuals, being linked by unions to a mafioso. Consequently, the fascist network struggled to gain dominance over the mafia. Although Lo Monte used the mafia to attain his position as a deputy, he was convicted of fraud in December 1926 but was not removed from his position.

The Deputy/Padrino Giovanni Lo Monte

Lo Monte was convicted two weeks before the complaint against Cucco. Additionally, it was revealed that together, they were responsible for military corruption. Between 1921 and 1923, Cucco had allowed several individuals to avoid compulsory military service, a serious offense in the eyes of the fascist government. Ironically, Alfredo Cucco had given a lengthy speech in the Chamber of Deputies in 1925 on the importance of military service and its obligation. Cucco was acquitted due to lack of evidence, but it was clear that his political career was over. Mussolini expelled him from the PNF (Partito Nazionale Fascista) during this period of purges within the party. The new secretary, Augusto Turati, aimed to restore order among politicians exploiting fascism, with a particular focus on southern Italy. Turati chose to prioritize politicians from the North to represent Sicily, which displeased the local population during his visit to the island.

In Caltanissetta, Lipani's removal had paved the way for political changes, but this was not the case everywhere. Turati announced that investigations would be opened in Palermo, Trapani, and Syracuse to condemn corrupt figures. The task was assigned to Ernesto Galeazzi, a figure with values similar to Cesare Mori's. Ernesto had received similar military training and became a valuable ally to the Prefect.

Augusto Turati, the Secretary of the PNF, and Ernesto Galeazzi

It was Galeazzi who oversaw the trial against Cucco, and he even placed his house under police surveillance for "protection," officially. The trial of Cucco was delayed due to a lack of witnesses, as police officials preferred to side with Cucco and reveal nothing. Mori reportedly became furious during the trial, threatening those who refused to cooperate. Several police officers were eventually reassigned for failing to appear in court. In a way, the trial revealed the connections between Cucco and his supporters with the mafia. Among the witnesses called were Deputy Giovanni Lo Monte and Baron Giulio Pucci, who seemed to have typical mafia influence. Cucco was acquitted due to lack of evidence, but two days later, reports of corruption involving his political allies were released. These reports included document falsifications, fraud committed in association with criminals, private violence, etc.

If that’s not proof that politics and the mafia are intertwined, then what is?

A New Federazione and a Triumvirate:

Cesare Mori was thriving, and furthermore, Galeazzi issued a decree requesting the dissolution of the newspapers "Sicilia Nuova" and "La Flamma," which belonged to Cucco. Mori took personal pleasure in dismantling Cucco, who was followed in most of his movements. Galeazzi established a Triumvirate (a group of three powerful representatives, a term later adopted by the Sicilian mafia) consisting of Dr. Grossier, Duke Ugo Di Belsito, and Marquis of Spedalotto. They were early supporters of fascism and had relatively minimal influence. Mori no longer wanted to deal with a second Cucco. Together, they considered the foundation of a new Federazione free from corruption. Ugo Di Belsito took Cucco's place and became the representative of Sicily within the National Fascist Party. He was also the vice mayor of Palermo and later a deputy.

Ugo Di Belsito, a key member of the Triumvirate and the Federazione

Cesare Mori was praised by Mussolini for the creation of a new Federazione and received an invitation to meet him in Rome in April 1927. Mussolini was very proud of the fight against the mafia and reiterated this in a long speech praising Mori, which was notably applauded by the Sicilian deputies Lo Monte and Francesco Musotto. Musotto had close ties with the mafia in Cefalù (his grandson was a national and European deputy, denounced by ten informants for meeting mafia chiefs with the aim of providing them financial assistance). Thus supported by Mussolini, the Triumvirate and Mori were able to rebuild fascism in Sicily. Several fascist factions from different towns were dissolved, including those in Lercara Freddi (the village of Lucky Luciano), Piana Dei Greci, Cefalù, San Mauro, etc. During 1927, more than sixty factions were reconstituted, amounting to three-quarters of the total.

Situation in Ventimiglia: Despite Mori's efforts to dismantle mafia-controlled municipalities, the situation in Ventimiglia remained problematic. Mariano Fazio, in a letter to Mussolini, reported that after Mori had dissolved the corrupt municipal administration led by a man named Cali, Cali was later appointed as a magistrate of the city. Additionally, Mr. Brancato, the former secretary-general, emerged from prison and took on a leadership role, despite his brother being an active fugitive.

Situation in Bagheria: Bagheria presented another significant issue. The city was under the control of the conservative politician Giuseppe Scialabba, who had been accused of mafia associations. Mori's crackdown led to Scialabba's removal and the conviction of several of his supporters as mafiosi. Scialabba had previously used mafia support to blockade the city and prevent fascist forces from entering. The Galioto family, including fugitives and influential figures like Salvatore Galioto and Michelangelo Galioto, were deeply involved in mafia activities. Salvatore Galioto's family had connections to the mafia in the United States, Biaggio and Salvatore Galioto were members of the mafia in Buffalo. Giuseppe Cirincone replaced Scialabba as mayor, but he was surrounded by dubious politicians and had participated in anti-fascist blockades, reflecting his questionable allegiance.

Giuseppe Scialabba

Situation in Trapani: In February 1927, the prefect of Trapani reported a significant deterioration in relations between provincial leaders and the fascist party. Overwhelming mafia infiltration in the fascist factions led to unrest in various towns. Cesare Mori was visibly angry, as he had to request the dissolution of factions representing over 250 people, with the Federazione's support. Mori felt that his work in the province was being undermined by the new provincial leaders.

Benito Mussolini received increasing telegrams highlighting the delicate situation of the new Federazione. The mafia seemed to be gaining ground, and fascism was still not well-received. Alfredo Cucco later remarked in his book that the new Federazione had reinstated all the questionable politicians that the previous one had rejected: "Those who were put outside found their way inside."

The Conflict Between Fascism and the Church:

The relationship between the Catholic Church and Fascism was always complex, as the regime was openly opposed to religious institutions. During the period from 1921 to 1923, blackshirts, sometimes mixed with anarchists, assaulted various Church properties. They were also responsible for murders, including that of Father Giovanni Minzoni (whose assassination was covered by the newspapers, but a trial took place at the end of the Fascist era). Catholic media described the fascists as violent men using intimidation, murder, and barbarism.The situation was delicate, but Mussolini understood the need to include Catholics because the fascist party was still weak. He decided to be more flexible and allowed crosses to be displayed again in hospitals and other public places. He also promised to repair churches damaged during the war, which gradually improved relations between the Church and the State.

However, Mussolini was clear that Fascism must control everything in Italy, so relations with the Church were far from perfect. It was not until 1929, with the Lateran Agreements, that the two parties reached an accord, creating the Vatican City State. The Church gained its own territory with the Holy See, and the State was also to provide an annual payment of 50 million lire.

Lateran Agreements, 1929

During his campaign against the mafia, Cesare Mori maintained good relations with the Church. He understood that some priests were very influential and could aid him in his fight against the mafia. Often, he would visit villages on Sundays to give speeches, incorporating religious language into his addresses. One of Mori's allies was Archbishop Lualdi, who expressed his sincere gratitude for Mori's efforts. It is difficult to determine whether Mori was a genuinely devout man, as he seemed to appreciate the Church's codes without being a true believer himself.

Although Mori had the support of some priests, the situation was less clear for many others. Priests represented their villages and populations, and their support for Mori depended on the local view of Fascism and the strength of the mafia in their area. For example, during the trial of the Madonie, two priests were judged for mafia association. In the village of Mistretta, the priest Don Versacci was also the mayor and a leader of the mafia. He was removed from his position and tried in 1928, with a more respectable priest taking his place. It was common for mafia-connected individuals to have links with the Church; for instance, the powerful boss Calogero Vizzini had three brothers who were priests.

The priests Salvatore and Giuseppe Vizzini 

A Minister's Brother Leading the Mafia:

In March 1928, Duce Mussolini met the distinguished General Antonino Di Giorgio during the funeral of Marshal Diaz. Mussolini wanted to understand the reasons for the conflict between Di Giorgio and Cesare Mori. Di Giorgio responded that the Prefect had lost his mind and was arresting far too many innocent people. Di Giorgio was a Sicilian and had formerly been the Minister of War. He had fought in Somalia and Libya and had received several medals. During World War I, he had led the Italian defense during the battles of the Isonzo (the father of the boss Joe Bonanno fought on this front before being wounded and dying shortly after). Di Giorgio resigned from his ministerial post a year after his appointment due to the rejection of his military reform. He was then appointed head of the army in Florence and later in Palermo in 1926.

General and Minister Antonino Di Giorgio

During the funeral in Rome, Benito Mussolini and Antonino Di Giorgio met and discussed the case of Cesare Mori and his raids. Mussolini was himself shocked to learn that the Prefect had recently arrested over 11,000 people, leaving some villages almost deserted. While Mori's methods were indeed strict, the pervasive presence of the mafia posed a significant challenge. Many politicians lacked the perspective to understand the mafia's dominance across all levels of society, including deputies, nobles, mayors, priests, lawyers, and peasants.

Mussolini asked Di Giorgio to provide a detailed account of the accusations against Mori, which Di Giorgio did upon returning to Sicily. The main criticisms included the lack of distinction in Mori's mass arrests, which often included mafia members, supporters, and innocent victims alike. This made judicial processes and the work of magistrates more complicated, as hundreds of witnesses were needed to exonerate those wrongly accused. Di Giorgio highlighted a covert rebellion against Mori among Sicilians, noting that while they publicly supported the fight against the mafia and praised Mori, privately they harbored resentment towards the regime. He argued that Mori had been intoxicated by the scent of victory.

Di Giorgio's observations hit a sensitive nerve with Mussolini, particularly concerning Sicilian public opinion towards the regime. Additionally, the costly judicial procedures (including prison maintenance, family relocations, legal fees, and renovations) for charges of "criminal association," which often ended in dismissals, were seen as impractical. Mussolini noted this issue, especially after Alfredo Cucco’s acquittal, and quickly summoned Mori’s generals, the mayor of Palermo, and Sicilian politicians to Rome for discussions. They all supported Mori, particularly the Duke Di Belsito, who had a strong dislike for Di Giorgio. However, Mussolini was still unconvinced and arranged a meeting with Mori.

Cesare Mori and his carabinieri

Cesare Mori was aware of General Antonino Di Giorgio's hostility for some time and sought to avoid a confrontation similar to that with Alfredo Cucco. Di Giorgio, who commanded the army and belonged to Palermo's high aristocracy, had certain soldiers who were antagonistic towards Mori and his campaign. Knowing he needed to counter Di Giorgio effectively, Mori aimed to expose Di Giorgio’s connections to the mafia, particularly through his brother. Mori instructed Commissioner Spanò de Gangi to resurrect the Ortoleva trial, which implicated Antonino and Domenico Di Giorgio. The case was then forwarded to Mussolini.

Background on Antonino Ortoleva and His Mafia Connections:

Antonino Ortoleva was a lawyer and mafia boss in Mistretta. Born into a noble family, he had a brother who was a notary and married the daughter of Don Vincenzo Milletari. The Ortoleva family engaged in exotic animal trafficking and used a group of peasants known as the "Bearded Gang" to maintain their power through violence and pillaging. Ortoleva acquired several properties in the province and formed alliances with typical mafia figures in a network dealing in cattle and horses. He used his legal practice to manage the legal issues and the declared staff of these properties. Ortoleva was skilled at stealing rival cattle and had connections for handling such issues afterward. Ortoleva maintained a veneer of legality while managing his criminal operations. However, his cover was blown in April 1926. 

During a raid on Ortoleva's home, Mori's men discovered a multitude of suspicious documents revealing his connections with mafia figures and fugitives. Ortoleva had structured his territory into a mini-state called the "interprovincial," with nobles at the top and his guards functioning as police. He served as the mayor of Mistretta from 1910 and had significant support from the city during Antonino Di Giorgio’s 1913 parliamentary elections, where Mistretta provided the highest number of favorable votes. Documents also linked Domenico Di Giorgio, Antonino's brother, to mafia activities in Castel Di Lucio. Domenico was the capo of this city, he had married the sister of respected mafioso Giuseppe Stimolo, who was also from Castel Di Lucio.

Domenico Di Giorgio and Giuseppe Stimolo 

Doubts about Domenico Di Giorgio’s involvement with the mafia were confirmed when his name appeared on a list found during a raid. This list included many of the island's mafia bosses, such as Antonino Farinella, the mayor of San Mauro, and Antonio Milletari de Gangi, who was related to Ortoleva. Cesare Mori forwarded the police reports to Rome, ensuring that Mussolini was aware of the situation. He also delivered a lengthy speech in Palermo, publicly denouncing the Di Giorgio brothers.

In response, Antonino Di Giorgio sent a telegram to Mussolini claiming that the list was related to the establishment of a death certificate for a relative. Although Mussolini was somewhat unsettled by this argument, he ultimately chose to support Mori. Di Giorgio’s pride was significantly wounded, leading to a confrontation between him and Mori that reportedly ended in a physical altercation. In the days that followed, Di Giorgio withdrew from the political scene. The claim about the death certificate was evidently false, as the Farinella family continued to lead the mafia in San Mauro until the early 2000s.

The Arrest of the Notorious Don Vito Cascio Ferro:

One of Prefect Mori's final major actions was the trial in 1928 of the mafiosi from Bisacquino, including the infamous boss Vito Cascio Ferro. Born on January 22, 1862, in Palermo, Vito’s father, Accursio, was a mafia figure from the province of Agrigente who became an employee at the "Santa Maria Del Bosco" palace. Vito grew up in the impoverished Ballaro district, where vice and corruption were rampant, contrasting sharply with the English nobles who employed his father. 

Unlike other mafia bosses of the "honored society," Vito held anarchist convictions; he was rumored to have visited the widow of Gaetano Bresci, the assassin of King Umberto I. By his thirties, Cascio Ferro was leading the Bisacquino workers' faction, often seen in sumptuous clothing and closely associated with the Maurina brigands who terrorized the Palermo province. Despite his lavish appearance, Cascio Ferro had no apparent legitimate income. It was through his work as a broker for English nobles and his wife Brigida Giaccone's job as a teacher that he managed to maintain his refined appearance. This poor woman eventually reported him to the police for abuse as he frequently beat her to extort money.

Vito "Vitazzu" Cascio Ferro

Leading a faction of 40 members, Vito Cascio Ferro seized control of a stronghold in Contessa Entellina in November 1893. Ferro was notorious for defying authorities and terrorizing the nobility, which led to charges of "incitement to crime" and "insurrection against a civil war." Throughout 1893 and 1894, he was arrested multiple times for extortion and mafia activities. However, he decided to flee the island in June 1894, seeking refuge in Tunisia.

Tunis, with its large Sicilian colony, bustling port, and agricultural lands, was a haven for many Sicilian peasants and criminals. Notably, Giuseppe Fontana of Villabate frequently traveled to Tunis for various illegal activities and to hide out after the assassination of Emanuele Notarbartolo. Ferro, leveraging his connections, established a criminal network linking Sciacca and Tunis. Numerous boats sailed between the two locations, and Ferro exploited this by persuading fishermen to transport contraband in exchange for money.

Ferro created a substantial smuggling network involving boats that clandestinely landed in the remote coasts of Agrigento and Trapani, where stolen cattle was unloaded. Despite his professed anarchism, Ferro's network included fishermen, coast guards, officials, and mafiosi. By September 1894, he returned to Sicily under the pretense of abandoning politics, but his influence within the mafia continued to grow. During this period, the government was relatively lenient towards mafiosi who did not directly challenge justice or royal authority.

Ferro's empire extended beyond Sicily and Tunisia, reaching into the United States. Between 1900 and 1901, he migrated to America, joining other prominent criminals like Giuseppe Morello of Corleone, whom Ferro already knew. Although a detailed account of his American activities would be extensive, a significant incident was his surveillance by Detective Joe Petrosino, who was enraged by Ferro's escape. In 1909, Petrosino traveled to Sicily to investigate but was reportedly killed on Ferro's orders. Shortly afterward, Palermo's Prefect Baldassare Ceola, who had been investigating the murder, was mysteriously reassigned.

the killer Paolo "Paliddu" Palazzotto et Joseph Petrosino

Back in Sicily in 1904, he continued to exert his influence on the island. The period after Petrosino’s assassination was the peak of his power; he was the respected boss of the mafia. Cascio Ferro seemed to have mingled with the high bourgeoisie, including the English barons who employed his father, the deputy Lo Monte, Andrea Finocchiaro Aprile (who was a leader in the elections of Corleone, Prizzi, and Bisacquino), and so on. Rumors even circulated that he might have been a Freemason given the privileges he enjoyed. However, Vito’s influence gradually diminished with the onset of World War I, as the government no longer favored the clientelism that had long been practiced. At over fifty years old, our boss became increasingly discreet, especially with the arrival of Fascism.

Vito Cascio Ferro and his son "Vituzzu"

It was learned that Cascio Ferro had joined the People's Party of Bisacquino in 1921, making a return to politics. However, Ferro's discretion was quickly dissolved as Cesare Mori had requested detailed reports on the mafia phenomenon in Sicily, and Ferro’s name quickly emerged from the carabinieri’s investigations. It was noted that he was "a sort of revered grand master, belonging to the bourgeois circle." Mori was immediately alerted to the danger posed by this individual, who had a list of associates across three continents. Mori highlighted the names of those involved in homicides in various villages under Ferro’s influence (Corleone, Bisacquino, Prizzi, Burgio, Chiusa Scalafani, and Contessa Entellina). Ferro was arrested in 1923 as a suspect in the murder of Gioacchino Lo Voi but was quickly released.

Upon his arrival in 1925, Mori decided to investigate this murder and arrested several suspects in Bisacquino. By 1928, Cascio Ferro had returned to his parents' village of Sambuca Zamut, likely to distance himself from the mafia and justice. However, that same year, he was arrested by Mori’s men and imprisoned in Sciacca. He sent a letter to the wealthy Adriano Mirabella asking for his influence, but Mirabella replied, "Times have unfortunately changed."

Cascio Ferro awaited trial for two years, and he and his gang waited until the summer of 1930. It was at this point that the major trial of the "Bisacquino gang" began, with the fascists wanting to once again show that they were targeting the very heart of the mafia with the trial of the great Cascio Ferro. At 68 years old, Ferro remained silent for a long time, appearing unwilling to defend himself. He understood that the fascists wanted to see heads roll and that he was the ideal man in their eyes. The jurors had been carefully selected, all with sympathies for fascism, and the court’s verdict was delivered on June 27. Vito Cascio Ferro and eight other defendants were sentenced to life imprisonment, four to thirty years, and others to shorter sentences.

mugshot of Vito Cascio Ferro, Palermo

Vito Cascio Ferro passed his last years isolated in prison, as his son and wife no longer wished to see him. According to his fellow prisoners, who saw him the few times he left his cell, he was described as a strange man who resembled a senile old fool with a satanic look. He was transferred from prison to prison until finally ending up in 1942 in Pozzuoli (West of Naples). There are no documents on his health status or death certificate, but it is possible that he died shortly thereafter. Legend has it that he was forgotten during the evacuation of the prison following Allied bombings that occurred the following year.

The Final Year of Prefect Mori:

Since the end of 1927, Cesare Mori knew that his work was coming to an end. The government had significantly reduced the number of International Service police officers sent for support, and the number of horses at his disposal had also been restricted. Mori sent a telegram to Mussolini expressing his complaints, but the Duce ignored them. In February 1928, Mori saw that Arnoldo Mussolini had written an article in his newspaper titled "SICILY FREE OF THE MAFIA," even though this was far from the truth. The government wanted to promote tourism and planned to reduce the police budget in Sicily by a million lire. 

In the final months of his service, Mori decided to focus on agricultural issues. He sought to get closer to the people, especially after his conflict with Antonino Di Giorgio. Mori defended the convictions of the peasants and even abandoned his car for a horse, wanting to embody the image of a "peasant prefect."

The prefect Mori on a farm tractor

But Mori had not lost his mind and knew that the mafia was still present, which is why, more than ever, he kept a close watch on Alfredo Cucco and his allies. By some means, he knew all of Cucco's movements, who he met with, and even the discussions he had at home. Mori noticed the visit of Captain Francina, who was a childhood friend of Antonino Di Giorgio, and this was enough for the prefect to decide to transfer him to one of the northernmost cities of Italy (to Verona). His espionage network was very effective; he learned that Cucco and his friends were shocked by Di Giorgio's downfall. However, there was discontent in the army, and the King knew him very well. At the end of 1928, Mori was appointed to the Senate, reflecting the government's satisfaction with him, or so it seemed... .

Mori was not at all enthusiastic because it was a ruse to remove him from the position of prefect. Moreover, Cucco and his friends began to rejoin the Federazione following political changes. The Duke Di Belsito was replaced by Roberto Parernostro, known for not agreeing with Mori's campaign. On June 23, the prefect's doubts were confirmed when Mussolini told him in a telegram that his services were no longer required and that he was now retired. Mori was 57 years old, and there was a new law indicating that prefects were to retire after 35 years of service.

Cesare Mori lived in the capital for some time, continuing his speeches on the urgency of reconquering Sicily against the mafia to prevent it from rising again. But his words were not well received at the capitol, and nothing was taken into account. In 1931, he left the country to settle in Istria and wrote his book "Con la Mafia ai Ferri Corti," which received a poor reception. The newspapers described this book as lacking concrete arguments, which is why Mori did not have it published in multiple languages. His last years were spent in relative obscurity, and he died in 1942 almost unnoticed.

Cesare Mori when he was senator

Never say that Mussolini fought the Mafia:

I must conclude this article by mentioning the situation in Sicily after Mori and the future of his enemy, Alfredo Cucco. Things went quite well for Cucco; in 1931, he was completely acquitted of the accusations against him. For many years, he petitioned Mussolini to reinstate him in the government, which Mussolini refused until 1936. In July of that year, the Duce solidified his ties with Nazi Germany, marking a return to radical fascism in Italy. Cucco took advantage of the political changes to rejoin the Fascist Party, and in 1943 he became an undersecretary. He ended his life in Rome as a socialist deputy, and a square in Palermo bears his name, thanks to his scientific contributions.

Alfredo Cucco to the right of the standing man

Let's now talk about Sicily and the catastrophic choices made by Benito Mussolini and his government. The withdrawal of Mori marked the abandonment and economic decline of the island. The government had definitively turned its back on the inhabitants, having achieved the propaganda they wanted thanks to Mori. The prefect who succeeded him was Umberto Albini, described as a true amateur regarding the problems of Sicily. One of his first actions was to move the prefecture of Palermo near the beach of Mondello, to better enjoy the view. In short, Sicily was in decline; garbage piled up and the streets were crowded with homeless people. The government's reduction in spending on the island led to very difficult access to healthcare.

According to the English ambassador who visited Sicily in 1935, "it was not recommended to travel at night due to the explosion of crime." The government asked the newspapers not to use the word mafia, which had even disappeared from the encyclopedia in 1934. For Northern Italy and the rest of the world, the mafia had been eradicated by Mussolini, but this was far from the truth. Anonymous letters spoke of widespread corruption, especially among Sicilian members of the party. I can imagine the smile on the faces of Sicilian deputies when it's said in assemblies that the mafia was eradicated...

How can you expect the mafia to disappear after significant abandonment by Mussolini's government ? It's not poverty that makes one a mafioso, as we have seen mafia bosses who were deputies, lawyers, nobles, priests, or even doctors. The significant difference between organized crime in general and the mafia is that it's the abandonment by a state that respects its inhabitants that creates the mafia. Sicily has been Italian, Muslim, Norman, Spanish, and French, and people naturally created their own criminal state by associating with the governments. As Judge Giovanni Falcone pointed out: "the mafia is a natural phenomenon."

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Article written by Thibaut Maïquès, also known as Harry Horowitz on some social networks.

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Sources used for this article:

Books :

-  La Mafia Durante Il Fascismo, Christopher Druggan

- I Padrini, Giuseppe Carlo Marino

- Tra la zagare Oltre la Faschia, Cesare Mori

- Con la mafia ai ferri corti, Cesare Mori

- Milocca a sicilian village, Charlotte Chapman

- Alfredo Cucco Storia di un federale, Matteo Di Figlia

- Faccia a Faccia con la mafia, Antonio Spano

- La mafia e i mafiosi, Antonino Cutrera (map of the Sicily, 1900)